When the East African Community (EAC) converges in early March in Tanzania’s city of Arusha, the biggest item on the in-tray will be naming the next Secretary General to take over from Kenya’s Veronica Nduva.

 

But this Summit may yet be decisive of the future of the bloc, which has faced a series of problems including near-paralysis of its work for the last two years.

The Summit, the highest and most powerful organ of the EAC doesn’t often meet, sometimes delegating its functions to the council of ministers. Naming the secretary general is often one way the organ gathers.

Yet this bloc is also at a crossroads. Should it name the next secretary general based on traditional rotational formula? Or should it open it up to merit for any qualified member to take it up.

The latter may sound economically sound, but political commentators have warned it could corner the bloc for the few. Yet the third question on many stakeholders’ minds is whether the secretary general should come from countries that have paid up their dues.

Based on traditional rotational formula, the next secretary general should come from South Sudan, which incidentally is also among the worst partner states when it comes to paying up.

All these are influencing a raft of proposals put forward ahead of the Summit to save the bloc from collapsing like it did in 1977, before it was revived nearly 20 years later.

With institutions in Arusha paralysed by months of unpaid salaries and mounting arrears of over $89m by January 30, the prospect of entrusting leadership to a non-remitting state has ignited fierce debate over accountability, equity and the future credibility of regional integration.

The financial distress also reflects broader geopolitical tensions within the bloc, or even the perception of partner states about the Community.

Relations between Rwanda and both the DRC and Burundi remain strained, feeding suspicion and weakening collective commitment.

Based on its earlier rotational practice, the next EAC Secretary General is expected to come from Uganda.

When the EAC was revived, the rotation often went on smoothly. And former secretaries-general of the EAC since its 1999 revival include Dr Francis Kirimi Muthaura-Kenya (1996–2001), Amanya Mushega-Uganda (2001–2006), Juma Mwapachu-Tanzania (2006–2011), Liberat Mfumukeko-Burundi (2016–2021), Dr Peter Mathuki-Kenya (2021–2024) and Veronica Nduva-Kenya (2024-2026).

South Sudan should get its chance because it entered the bloc in 2006. After that newer members such as the DRC and Somalia should follow. But South Sudan with its poor remittances record is driving uncertainty.d possibly less committed to the cause of the Community.

Paul Musamali, Uganda’s representative to Eala, says the leadership question cannot be divorced from the bloc’s financial realities, however.“The Republic of South Sudan is supposed to take that position. However, there has been a lot of debate about whether South Sudan should,” Mr Musamali said.“The Community itself is facing a financial crisis, and one of the reasons is the failure by some partner states to remit their contributions, and South Sudan is one of them,” he added, warning that the crisis has paralysed operations across institutions.

Veronica Babirye Kadogo, another Ugandan representative to Eala, argues that appointing a Secretary General from a non-remitting state would send the wrong signal, at a delicate moment for regional integration.“If we are to appoint a Secretary General from a partner state that is not contributing, it will be a dilemma,” Ms Kadogo said.“First of all, where will the funds to pay this Secretary General come from? Secondly, how will the Secretary General mobilise funds from other partner states when his own country is not paying?” she asked.“Some of these countries that are not contributing to the EAC are contributing to other regional blocs. That gives us a signal that the non-remittance may be deliberate,” she added, noting that the East African Court of Justice has a backlog of about 350 cases due to funding shortfalls.“What stability are we talking about when the financial crisis has already destabilised the region?” she asked.

With South Sudan’s eligibility under scrutiny, some voices within the Eala are quietly floating Uganda as an alternative candidate, citing its record on remittance and on the rotational basis of such appointments in the past.

Uganda last held the post between 2001 and 2006 under Amanya Mushega, after taking over from Kenya’s Muthaura, but Mr Musamali downplays the likelihood of Kampala stepping forward.“In reality, it is not going to be possible because it has serious diplomatic implications,” he said.“Uganda has a very good bilateral relationship with South Sudan. If we now take over the position, it could be interpreted as participating in a fight against them.”The other dilemma is the caliber of the individual SGs.

Former cabinet ministers or Permanent Secretaries at the EAC’s helm including Mwapachu, Mushenga and Rwanda’s Sezibera showed experience to run the secretariat effectively.

Whoever is picked would determine the make-or-break of the EAC. The regional bloc has witnessed its most difficult times since it was revived 25 years ago, with new members riding on the paid up goodwill of the three founding fathers of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania to survive.

EAC’s chairperson President William Ruto, armed with a raft of decisions, now wants the Heads of State to pronounce themselves over funding, do away with the outdated and unworkable consensus decision-making process and introduce sanctions against partner states who fail to remit their contributions on time.

Read: Ruto calls emergency EAC Summit over $89m shortfall“The matter on remittance is part of the agenda that the Heads of State must sit and deliberate because they are the final decision-making organ within the structures of the EAC,” said Beatrice Askul, chairperson of the EAC Council of Ministers and Kenya’s Cabinet Secretary for EAC Affairs, Arid and Semi-Arid Lands and Regional Development.“The President of Kenya, who is the chairman of the Heads Summit, President Ruto, is keen on this matter.”At the last Ordinary Summit, Heads of State adopted a model based on both equality and economic capacity: 65 percent: Shared equally among all partner states and 35 percent: Based on the economic size (GDP) of each partner state.

Kenya’s Prime Cabinet Secretary and Foreign Affairs Minister Musalia Mudavadi, who is joint ministerial (Foreign Affairs) chairman of EAC and SADC said the model, developed from each member’s average nominal GDP per capita over the last five years as assessed by the World Bank, would see Kenya pay $12.1 million annually — or 23.7 percent of the budget.

This is based on an equal share of $8.5 million per country plus a GDP-based top-up. Tanzania would remit $9 million, Uganda $8.5 million, Rwanda $8.3 million, South Sudan $6.6 million and Burundi $6.4 million.“Assessments are ongoing for the newest members, the DRC and Somalia. Currently, all partner states contribute equally — $7,007,747 — to the EAC budget,” said Mr Mudavadi.

Other radical changes include sanctions to those that do not pay. In October 2019, the Eala recommended that the Council of Ministers should consider invoking Article 143 or 146 of the EAC Treaty to impose sanctions against Partner States that default on payment.

Article 143 deals with general default on obligations (including financial), while Article 146 addresses severe, long-term measures including suspension of a partner state that fails to remit its contributions within 18 months.

No commitmentThe failures to pay were tantamount to display of no commitment to the EAC integration process. Sanctions would isolate such members from actively voting on key decisions or even nominating their nationals for secretariat top positions.

Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi have submitted their comments on the updated matrix on the ‘framework on investigation of breaches, amendments to the rules of procedure of the policy Organs, and Schedule of Sanctions to the Partner States.’However, The EastAfrican understands that no action could be taken on the articles mentioned until all other partner states submit their views during the upcoming summit.

The Summit is also expected to adopt a report of the technical experts on job description, quota manual, and other critical Human Resources matters.

The report will assist in dealing with the severe employment and staffing crisis at the EAC Arusha secretariat.

As of September 2025, over 40 short-term staff, representing over 44 percent of the Secretariat's human resources, were let go.

Read: EAC staff fight back after abrupt contract terminationsShort-term staff contracts were terminated in September 2025 after the Council of Ministers failed to approve extensions beyond June 2025.

Out of 420 authorised positions, 152 remain vacant, with another 33 vacated by the end of 2025.

The Summit is also expected to discuss the process of establishment of the EAC Monetary Union institutions.

While nine of the 12 main EAC institutions are permanently hosted by various partner states (Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi), the specific, final, and permanent locations of key East African Monetary Union institutions, such as the East African Monetary Institute and the future East African Central Bank, have faced a stalemate among the partner states.

© Copyright 2026 Nation Media Group. All Rights Reserved. Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (Syndigate.info).