Rarely have the internal affairs of a modern ruling family been so publicly debated, putting the nature of Al-Sabah rule on the wider political agenda. Succession issues remain unresolved, but the longer-term signs are that Kuwait is looking to a new social/political compact to regulate how the ruling family and wider political system interact.
Kuwaiti politicians' impatience at leadership wrangles within the ruling Al-Sabah family burst into the open this week, with parliamentarians from across the spectrum demanding unity and clarity in forthright terms. "The latest developments must be settled and should not be left unresolved," said the usually emollient National Assembly speaker Jassem Al-Khorafi. "The family must be united," said leading liberal Mohammed Al-Sager. Salafi Islamist leader Dr Waleed Tabtabaei even suggested a committee of MPs should try to broker a compromise in the internal Al-Sabah dispute.
They were speaking after National Guard commander Sheikh Salem Al-Ali Al-Sabah - the fourth most senior Al-Sabah and 'dean' of the family - had publicly accused Royal Court Minister Sheikh Nasser Mohammed Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah, of acting unilaterally and beyond his own powers.
Sheikh Salem used an interview with Al-Qabas newspaper to propose for formation of a three-man panel of himself, Prime Minister Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmed Al-Jaber Al-Sabah and Sheikh Mubarak Abdullah Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah to assist the leadership. Both Sheikh Mubarak and Sheikh Salem are senior figures outside the political government arena.
Emir Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah responded by summoning speaker Khorafi to officially confirm his "complete trust" in the premier. Sheikh Salem's comments lifted the veil on simmering Al-Sabah disagreements and rivalries, with no agreed succession line beyond the elderly trio of the Emir, Crown Prince Sheikh Saad Al-Abdullah Al-Sabah and Sheikh Sabah.Sheikh Saad underwent a colon operation in 1997 and regularly travels to London for treatment; he is due back from his latest treatment session on 19 October.
Meanwhile, since suffering a minor brain haemorrhage in 2001 the Emir has delegated day-to-day government functions to Sheikh Sabah - who took over from Sheikh Saad as premier in 2003 but is himself in his seventies.
Uncertainty about the long-term succession inevitably fosters speculation about the ambitions of the next generation. As GSN has observed before, Oil Minister Sheikh Ahmed Al-Fahd Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah - who combines ministerial experience with a feel for public and tribal opinion - is a key adviser to the premier; he is widely seen as a potential heir, as is multi-lingual Foreign Minister Sheikh Dr Mohammed Al-Salem Al-Sabah.But it is the role of Sheikh Nasser Mohammed that provoked Sheikh Salem Al-Ali's criticisms. The Royal Court Minister has taken an increasingly high personal profile, carrying out a host of protocol functions on behalf of the Emir. Recent days have seen him receive departing British, Malaysian and Indian ambassadors, Al-Onaiza sheikhs and prominent citizens concerned with cultural issues.
Moreover, he has begun to raise his profile in international affairs, giving an extensive interview to Egyptian magazine Al-Musawwar, discussing fundamentalism and terror, and the delicate situation on the Kuwait-Iraq border - where some Iraqis have recently staged demonstrations against their southern neighbour.Salem speaks his mind, politicians respond Salem Al-Ali feels Nasser Mohammed is stepping beyond the prerogatives of what is strictly necessary in standing in for the elderly Emir. Aged 79 and not in the direct line of succession, Sheikh Salem has spent most of his career as head of the National Guard.
He has been lobbying more or less openly for an overhaul of the confused Al-Sabah family arrangements for some time. After twice appealing for reform and unity in 2004 he was accorded a distinctive role in handling Al-Sabah family affairs, with the title His Highness, hitherto reserved for the Emir, Crown Prince and Prime Minister.
It is not clear whether Salem has views about the future line of succession or whether he is simply concerned that the family's credibility is being undermined by internal rivalries while no formal decision on succession has been taken. But his remarks tap into wider popular speculation about the ambitions of some royal players.
The old soldier's public comments were astonishingly direct. "I must draw attention to this serious constitutional flaw, in which procedures outlined by the constitution and the law are not being observed," he said: "Legislation must pass through proper constitutional channels."
He claimed that Sheikh Nasser Mohammed was "carrying out functions not within his prerogatives. It is incorrect and illogical that he should take decisions unilaterally." This appeared to refer to the legal requirement that the Emir himself must sign all new laws. "This situation makes some believe that most government decisions and legislation are unconstitutional," Sheikh Salem said.
The alacrity with which prominent parliamentarians and the press have taken their cue from his newspaper interview confirms the wide extent of concern at the prospect of continuing Al-Sabah rifts and uncertainty. In a political scene often characterised by rifts over policy, the bluntness and multi-partisan nature of demands for royal unity and reform of the family arrangements is striking, as is the self-confidence of leading MPs in setting out their views.
Al-Khorafi - who is generally careful to swim with the mainstream of political and establishment opinion - spoke with unusual directness after meeting the Emir on 10 October. The speaker said Sheikh Jaber had promised decisive action, but had not revealed what he had in mind. He then stepped up pressure on the family to act: "The latest developments must be settled and should not be left unresolved because it may harm the Kuwaiti people and their stability."
The Salafyist Tabtabaei argued that the Emir's message gave the National Assembly a role in bridging the Al-Sabah rift, arguing that differences should not be decided in favour of one camp or another, but through an agreement by all sides over Kuwait's future governance.
Outside parliament, the unrecognised Islamist Ummah Party said it was time for Kuwaitis to choose their leaders through a "true parliamentary democracy". Sheikh Salem is widely respected, but his committee proposal may be seen by establishment traditionalists as too much of a snub to the most senior leadership. He asked Khorafi to remain neutral, but the speaker dismissed his suggested committee as unconstitutional.
However, Sheikh Salem has support. Former speaker (and long-time Khorafi rival) Popular Bloc leader Ahmed Al-Saadoun said: "Sheikh Salem's remarks are a wake-up call from a prominent man who does not seek a post or glory. He is warning about the dangerous course the country is treading, such as widespread corruption and corrupt individuals gaining decision-making positions. No one could remain silent about such a [constitutional] flaw.
"Premier's position The present situation is a delicate one for Sheikh Sabah. The premier has his critics, although his position has been considerably strengthened by his recent success in pushing forward the government's reformist legislative agenda, including the introduction of full political rights for women.
His economic liberalisation measures, opening up new opportunities for the private sector, are an easy target for populists, who may stir fears that the sale of national assets will favour the privileged. There have been rumours that at some point Sheikh Sabah might be appointed crown prince (a post that was combined with the premiership until 2003). His son Sheikh Nasser Sabah Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah, an advisor to Sheikh Saad, has occasionally been tipped as a long-term succession candidate.
But Sheikh Nasser is better known as a businessman and art collector, and insiders have tended to downplay his political role in recent times. What Kuwait's political class appears to want, above all, is clarity and a clear institutional structure of responsibilities within the royal family in its role as leader of the state - as distinct from the government, which is answerable to parliament and has many non-royal members in ministerial and senior advisory roles.
Sheikh Salem may be approaching the issue from a different slant, but his decision to go public, and to directly criticise Sheikh Nasser Mohammed, has created a climate in which non-royal politicians feel free to speak out more freely than before.
This is a reflection of Kuwait's distinctive history. In contrast to those ruling families who came to power through war, dynastic succession or political manoeuvre, the Al-Sabah were selected by Kuwait's dominant merchant elites to act as the ruling family. The Emir is paid an official salary by the state on behalf of its citizens. Thus the family's internal affairs are not regarded as a private family matter in quite the same way as those of other Gulf dynasties.
This history has real relevance to Kuwait's future.
Gulf States Newsletter 2005
