Masrour Barzani's Speech at the French Senate Conference on the Future of Middle East. Masrour Barzani: Our struggle is to establish a modern Democracy.
Masrour Barzani's Speech at the French Senate Conference on the Future of Middle East under the title (Going Nuclear in the Middle East- In Search of an European Middle east Policy) on 28th-29th January 2010 in Paris
Ladies and Gentlemen
Welcome to you all
It is an honor to address you today, in the birthplace of many of the democratic ideals towards which we now strive. As I stand before you, I am reminded of the great traditions of the French people. The commitment to "liberty, property, security and resistance to oppression" for all men laid out over 200 years ago in the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen." These values, based in fraternity and equality, remain the foundation for all those seeking a more just world - a world where all men are represented fairly by their political institutions and no man suffers brutal injustices by those entrusted to protect, preserve, and promote the common good.
Inherent in the struggle to realize these goals and the Declaration itself, are the warnings of the Baron de Montesquieu that "constant experience shows us that every man invested with power is apt to abuse it, and to carry his authority as far as it will go." He wisely recognized and history has since proven, that no government can aspire to the most basic of democratic ideals and no people can realize the most fundamental of human rights without adhering to a separation of power - without the knowledge that the government "should be set up so that no man need be afraid of another."
Few places so clearly symbolize the inherent danger of ignoring this edict than Iraq. Since Iraq's independence, Kurds, Arabs, and other communities have suffered from the unwillingness of some of the Iraq's leaders to accept these basic principles. Religious and ethnic minorities have faced genocide at the hands of leaders intent on creating an idealized strong, central state out of the post-war fabrication that is Iraq. In their never-ending quest for uniformity, they have found not unity, but division and ruin.
The results have been devastating for all concerned hundreds of thousands massacred the vast promise of our people and oil wealth squandered.
As one of the main components of Iraq, the Kurds have been the subject of a genocide war. They have been the victim of chemical attacks and a series of infamous Anfal operations during which more than 182,000 people, mainly women and children perished, and 90 % of our villages were destroyed and levelled to the ground.
This is a well-known history, one that has resulted in a deep sense of mistrust and fear between individuals, communities, the people and the government - where the disadvantaged, weak or vulnerable expect the strong to pillage. Where a culture of revenge and retaliation have ruled.
It has been our hope that this tragic cycle would be broken by the adoption of federal democratic principles in the 2005 Iraqi Constitution, ratified by over 80% of the voting Iraqi electorate. That a new era would begin where our differences would no longer be misconstrued as our greatest weakness, but instead become our greatest strength - each component competing peacefully and contributing to the betterment of the whole. A future where power would be dispersed and limited, where, as Montesquieu advocated, no man need fear another.
However, the last few years have shown that many challenges remain. The security vacuum that has existed in many parts of the country has proven an invitation to international and local terrorists, who have played on our history of mistrust and won over segments of the population. Their repugnant attacks have rejuvenated the sense of insecurity between Iraq's communities, especially Shia and Sunni, which undermine even a basic sense of fraternity between us. Weak leaders have turned abroad, allowing foreign entities with dubious intentions to play a role in directing our development. Ineptitude has bread invasive corruption that has permeated our bureaucracies, attracting profit-seekers rather than civil servants. Under these circumstances, loyalty to sect and ethnicity not surprisingly continues to come before country.
This is the reality of Iraq. Wishful thinking and lofty solutions cannot change this legacy. We must accept and understand it, if we ever want to move beyond it and change the course of history. None of Iraq's people can thrive, while some languish in fear. No progress or development can be realized without confidence in the fundamental rules of the system.
Kurdistan region, however, despite all these challenges has managed to largely contribute to the unity of the country. It is today the safest and the most secure part of Iraq which in turn has helped the economy of the region to flourish. This was mainly possible because of the dominant culture of tolerance and religious coexistence.
The whole Kurdish experience and the national reconciliation practiced in Kurdistan could be a clear indication of how Iraq could move forward.
At its heart, this is our struggle to establish the sort of division of power and rule of law that characterize modern democracies. These values are embodied in our Constitution, but it is only in their full and just implementation that we can find peace and progress. Without embracing these values, we will inevitably slide again toward despotism, regardless of who leads.
For the Constitution is greater than any one conflict, issue, or law - it extends beyond oil and gas, Parliamentary seat allocation, or budgets - its about what type of state, what type of people, what type of community Iraq will become. It is the source of our ability to feel confident and safe, to know that the new Iraq will be a break from the repressive past. It binds us together as different communities, secure in our difference but united in common goals of progress and justice.. I stand before you committed to the federal and democratic principles laid out in the Iraqi Constitution, not because I am a Kurd, but because, like all Iraqis, I am a victim of a despotic past.
In its recognition of the importance of strong local and regional governments, the Constitution thus reassures the long-suffering Iraqi people that the new Iraq will avoid the over-centralization of power that has brought such devastation. For the betterment of all Iraqis, it lessens the ferocity of the competition over any particular office, by delegating authority and responsibility more widely. This delegation is essential for addressing corruption and creating the virtuous cycle of peaceful competition that reduces incompetence over time.
My message to you today is not pessimistic then. In many ways, we are at an advantage. We have the answers to our biggest problems, we have voted on them and agreed to their promise. We know what we must do. All that remains are the fortitude, wisdom, and courage to implement the democratic and federal system proven so effective to governing diverse societies and protecting individual rights. This is the only way forward, the only hope Iraq and its people have to creating the sort of unity and progress found elsewhere.
We as Kurds, and more broadly as Iraqis, and you as Frenchman, Europeans and more broadly the international community cannot waiver in our commitment to these shared values. To overcome its most important hurdle of disunity, Iraq must be able to protect its people and give them confidence in its benevolence. It must reassure us that the powerful will no longer be oppressors. That regardless of origin all Iraqis from Basra to Zaxo, from Erbil to Baghdad, will have a say in their fate, will have the rights granted to them by our Constitution. This is the basis for our fraternity and the only hope for Iraq's future.
© The Kurdish Globe 2010
