Bushra Al-Maqtari, a leading revolutionary figure from Taiz's Freedom Square, was one of those who first took to the streets in protest against the regime of former president Ali Abdulla Saleh. Al-Maqtari has written for several newspapers in Yemen. She also wrote a short story collection called "The Furthest Ends of Pain" in 2004. Moreover, a novel of hers, "Behind the Sun" was published in 2012. Al-Maqtari has won many local awards, and also international ones, such as the Project on Middle East Democracy Prize and the 2013 UNESCO Prize for Peace Education.
This interview was conducted in early February.
You were among the first who called for removal of former President Saleh's regime in 2011. At the time, the youth saw the sky as the limit. Do you think the revolutionary goals have been realized?
I think the youth revolution...has not realized its goals because it was manipulated by [those who pushed for the] Gulf Initiative. We are still suffering from the consequences of this initiative.
Do you think it was an international conspiracy that altered the course of the revolution in another direction?
Yes, the revolution was turned into a political crisis among different parties. Unfortunately, the political process and the national dialogue have not tried to change the [culture of corruption]...corruption [still exists]; it has just been recycled and has taken on different appearances.
Speaking as one of the Taiz revolutionaries, which specific goals have not yet materialized?
Unfortunately, we have social contradictions that date back more than 33 years. Today, we are still experiencing these regional and sectarian contradictions as well as internal strife. All these contradictions contributed to derailing the revolution. [I think it will take time in Yemen to get rid of the corrupt politicians who are still in power because our revolution was unaccompanied by a cultural and attitudinal revolution that might have changed tribal thinking and also the thinking of politicians.]
It is my conviction that all the revolutions [of the Arab spring] which were manipulated will find their way again and experience a resurgence.
What does February 11 mean to you?
I consider it [the date of] a popular uprising, but it came after 33 years of injustice, repression and continuous wars. Even if this [uprising] was manipulated or [otherwise] hindered, it is still has power that will inspire the current and the coming generations. We still have momentum. We will not allow frustration to steal hope from us. The revolution will continue in different ways.
Now Freedom Square in Taiz is almost empty and youth hold their celebrations in other parts of the city. Does this mean the revolutionary youth have lost their passion?
The revolution is greater than the [physical places where events took place]. What happened is that the squares in different governorates emptied out because of disillusionment...and so, the squares lost their symbolic power. The squares have become battlegrounds for personal and partisan retaliation. The revolution is not limited to places. The revolution is the pen. The revolution is the change.
Two years after electing Adbu Rabu Mansour Hadi president, the revolutionary detainees have not yet been set free. Why are the [other, free] youth revolutionaries silent?
Unfortunately, this is a sad situation, with real heroes like Maher Al-Maqtari [no relation to Bushra Al-Maqtari--Editor] still behind bars. He has been imprisoned for three years. [No one expected] the revolution to end in such a terrible situation. The consensus government has taken no concrete action in regard to these detainees who [were prepared to sacrifice their lives in order to] effect change. However, we will take to the streets again on February 11, 2014. We will try again to make change happen. The injured revolutionaries will be in the front rows.
Could you talk a little bit about the suffering of the victims of the revolution in Taiz?
Their suffering is inexcusable. Three of them, including Abdulrahman Al-Kamali, died under very inhumane circumstances because of government negligence as well as the negligence of the Fund for Injured Revolutionaries. There are many...whose living conditions are miserable, such as Bassam Al-Aqhli. This situation is painful for all revolutionaries, and makes us all question why that had to happen.
Do you think the revolution has reflected positively or negatively on Taiz?
Though many negatives emerged along with the revolution--such as the carrying of weapons and sheikhs' interventions--the revolution is still [overall] positive for us.
The youth in the squares call themselves independent, but it sometimes appears that some of them act based on partisan affiliation. What do you have to say about this contradiction?
The youth who have partisan affiliations were among those who first camped in the square with the independent youth. There was no rift between the two because the independent youth also had partisan roots. Sometimes, there were some differences between the youth and their leadership, but we continued in the square until the end.
As a prominent member of the Yemen Socialist Party, how do you evaluate its performance in the government or in politics in general?
I am always critical of the party. The biggest mistake the party made was at the National Dialogue Conference [NDC] when it presented its vision for the shape of the state and approved the third article of the constitution that states that Islamic Sharia will be the source of all legislation. The party approved this article without consulting with all of its members. It did not take the youths' view into account. However, I count the party balanced and clear in this present phase. [I think it is] better than any other party.
Some ask where Dr. Yaseen Saeed Noman, the secretary general of the party, is at this difficult moment in Yemen...?
Dr. Yaseen Saeed Noman is the [senior] statesman for this [transitional] period. He did his best to create a feeling among people that the NDC would help them realize their aspirations. But I objected to [his leadership] from the very beginning of the Dialogue because his premises were incorrect and because of that, I believed that the outcomes would also be wrong. Unfortunately, we are accustomed to relying on a particular individual. Presumably, we will find other individuals--a new trend of politicians and educated individuals who are able to build a national program for the country. I hold Dr. Noman in high esteem, and I wish him a speedy recovery. He is receiving treatment in Britain.
After dividing power among the political parties and establishing the consensus government, people felt that the squares [city plazas that were the political epicenters of the 2011 revolution] only served political interests. What do you think?
I largely agree with this. If we look at the consensus government, we find that some managed to obtain a decision-making role position through [their work in the] squares, particularly those from Change Square in Sana'a. Regretfully, none of these people has effected real change through the ministries they are running. The reconciliation government has turned [out to be a government of] political quotas. I think the prime minister, Mohammed Salem Basindawa, is the most ineffective minister in the history of Yemen. The country needs a technocratic government to make effective change. But this did not happen.
Women have contributed to the changes. Can we say that women's role in politics has grown?
There has been a partial change. A woman was previously unable to have her voice heard. But now she can make decision-makers listen to her. However, women were manipulated politically during the revolution and also afterward, by the parties. Still, we cannot judge the situation of women unless we see the woman-related texts in the constitution and see the results. There was a negative phenomenon that took place, namely, the slandering of some activists as well as some accusations of blasphemy. However, the positive thing is that people sympathize with women, and so, women's influence expands.
Are you thinking of starting a political party or running for local or parliamentary elections?
We need women and youth to be in the parliament in order to be present as the real voice of change. But the general situation is corrupt and I personally do not have any ambition to run for office. Currently, as a member of the socialist party, I hope I can create change inside it and help it be as it once was, close to the ordinary people.
You wrote a short story collection in 2004. It was pure literature. However, critics say your last novel, "Behind the Sun," was lined with politics. Has politics taken you away from literature?
No, I am still a writer of literature. However, politics obliges the writer to adopt a particular stance. My novel, "Behind the Sun," was a unique experience because it was about events of which people have not spoken, such as the 1994 war and the [special] prisons for political prisoners. [This novel was written during a time when an atmosphere of politics dominated everything.] A writer cannot put the current political situation aside and just ignore it.
In an article of yours about youth suffering during the Life March [Dec. 20, 2011], you wrote, "God did not see us." This made religious groups lash out at you. How did you respond to and deal with their reactions?
At the beginning, I was astonished [by the reaction] and could not believe that I had been accused of heresy. A friend of mine called, telling me that imams were giving sermons in the mosques that were calling me an apostate. After a week an edict was even issued,
declaring me a heretic. My house was besieged.
I took the situation in stride and I said it was normal for a writer to be criticized. However, [I must say that] they took my writing out of context, and misconstrued it, saying to people that I had spoken badly of God. However, the thing that made them turn against me and accuse me of heresy is the fact that my article depicted the real situation of the revolution. I criticized the presence of fanatical religious movements in the squares, who aborted the revolution and made people leave the squares. [Of course] they did not like that article. At that time, I had to take some measures to keep myself safe.
What are your plans for the future?
I hope to continue writing. And I hope my voice will continue to represent the majority of youth. I also have an idea to document the youth revolution in a book, but I think this idea will take me some time to complete.
© Yemen Times 2014
