Events in the Middle East and North Africa have unravelled at lightning speed since the beginning of this year. Governments were taken by surprise by the changes, since it was thought that the Arab world had already missed its opportunity for change.
Many analysts talked about "the Arab exception" to describe the socio-economic conditions in the region, which was viewed as perpetually dormant and stagnant.
Regional governments dismissed any possibility of change because they controlled the media and put press freedom on the back burner. They told their citizens that time was not right to open up since their countries were allegedly facing "foreign conspiracies" or confronting Israeli threats.
In most cases, these were just tactics they employed to stall and break free from the pressure they were facing to democratise and grant their people basic human rights.
Control of media varied from one country to the other; some countries placed an iron lid on all media outlets and followed the "Soviet style" model of outdated propaganda, whereas some other countries, like Lebanon, Jordan, Kuwait and Morocco, were more tolerant of media and permitted journalists to operate in relative freedom. It is accurate to say, however, that Arab media, prior to the current conditions, were largely muzzled, lacking in pluralism and acting mainly as governments' mouthpieces. These conditions rendered them ineffective and powerless. Arab media were, in short, robbed of any credibility.
Faced with the stagnation and inadequacy of Arab media, young people in the Middle East and North Africa sought refuge in the digital media and social networks. Here they discovered a new sense of boundless freedom, a world where they could speak their minds freely and without fear. They also discovered the power of solidarity and networking. They were able to share ideas, discuss issues of common interest.
Digital media were the major tools of the new Arab Spring. The Internet was the medium of young activists who were able to mobilise people against autocratic regimes. Mobile phones were used to convey messages and capture photos of events. Even where correspondents were banned, young Arab activists were able to bypass constraints by sending videos shot by mobile phones to widely viewed satellite stations like Al Jazeera.
Twitters turned into an alternative news agency. Activists were "tweeting" to the world second by second what was going on in Cairo's famous Tahrir Square. Facebook was giving young people encouragement and a sense of solidarity. U-Tube, blogs and citizen journalism were handy tools in the hands of young people in their quest to change the dormant status quo in the Arab region.
Change seems to happen faster in countries where there is a higher degree of Internet penetration. Tunisia and Egypt were highly advanced in telecommunications, whereas a country like Mauritania stayed outside the current changes because it is not as well connected as other countries in the region.
Arab regimes now realise that censorship has become obsolete. Satellite television has broken the monopoly of states over the media scene, but digital media, as they were used in the Arab Spring gave censorship the finishing blow. Even when access to the Internet was disrupted or completely cut, activists and their supporters resorted to proxies or even landlines to bypass obstacles.
There is a strong conviction in the region now that it is not enough to be right or to be doing something right. More important is to be able to utilise media to promote one's cause or tell one's side of the story. This can only be done if one is working with professional people or seeking the help of experts.
Countries are now willing, more than ever, to invest in creating viable media outlets.
Communication has always been perceived as important; now it is seen as an indispensable instrument that has the power to topple regimes and change leaderships that have been in power for decades.
The current events have highlighted the inadequacy of state-run media in the Arab world.
The same rhetoric was used again and again in all countries that faced uprisings: foreign infiltration or Islamic extremists are behind the events, they all said. Some radio or TV broadcasters simply yelled and called foreign powers names for their alleged roles in what was happening.
There is a realisation that it was the muzzling of traditional media that gave the new digital media this power. If Arab media were professional and respected people's minds, digital media would not have had this unprecedented role in the events that swept the Arab world.
Empowering the media and allowing them to work freely and professionally protects societies and guarantees smooth transitions. State control over traditional media and the presence extremist groups in mosques led young people to seek alternative "mosques" in cyberspace.
There is a strong realisation that the Arab communications scene is in dire need of a "perestroika " after the changes that have happened in the region.
The old media system that fell apart and was completely destroyed by the fundamental changes that have taken place in the Arab region will be replaced by a new system that is based on professionalism, objectivity and international standards.
Because these criteria have not dug roots in the region, many countries will need to count on the support of foreign, specialised firms that will be able to offer their much-needed expertise to overhaul the media apparatuses in the Middle East and North Africa through professional consultancy and training of people.
Toppling autocratic regimes was the easy part; rebuilding a new, viable communication structure is the biggest challenge that emerging democracies in the region are now facing. This can only be done through the help of professional experts.
© Jordan Times 2011
