Mahdi: Arab Islamic world experiencing an unstoppable democratic wave

02 March 2006

Interview
Sadiq al-Mahdi twice served as prime minister of Sudan (1966-67, 1986-89). In 1961 he was chosen president of the Unified National Front opposition party, which contributed to the downfall of the Aboud dictatorship in 1964. He was elected president of the Umma party in November 1964. While in exile in the early 1970s he formed the National Democratic Front (NDF), comprised of Umma, the Democratic Unionist Party, and the Muslim Brotherhood. He won the general elections for the premiership of Sudan in 1986, a position he retained until the government was overthrown in 1989. After being detained and imprisoned, Mahdi went into exile to lead the opposition in 1996, but returned to Sudan in 2000. In 2003 he was re-elected as president of Umma party and signed the Cairo Declaration for peace and democratic transformation with the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). He was interviewed during a conference in Doha, Qatar last week.

The Daily Star: How do you see political change happening in the Arab world, and how are you trying to bring about a more democratic, humane Arab-Islamic order?
Sadiq al-Mahdi: The world has generally transformed along democratic lines, and now I see a fifth democratic wave throughout the Middle East. The first wave was after the World War II that transformed southern Europe; then came Latin America and Eastern Europe, followed by much of Africa. Now I see this fifth wave catching up to the Arab and Muslim world. Already some Muslim countries have become democratic, and I see this fifth wave as imminent in the rest of the Islamic world. There are signs of this happening in many countries. In Sudan, we believe that the people of Sudan have already twice achieved democratic change in the recent past, and now they are keen and mobilized toward another democratic transformation.

Q. Will Arab regimes accept democratization?

A. I think the present regimes in the Arab and Muslim world that have not yet accepted genuine democratic transformation find themselves under internal and external pressure for change. They will either allow such change to take place peacefully which is what we prefer or the groundswell will lead to uprisings that force the state into democracy. I think there is now a general movement within the Muslim and Arab world for the creation of networks for democratic cooperation and coordination, firstly to outline the democratic strategy and agree on it. Secondly, to see how the different democratic forces can reinforce one another, and also how this democratic movement should be conceived across the ideological board, including liberals, Islamist Muslims, Arab nationalists, socialists, and so on. All those who accept the parameters of democracy and who are prepared to commit themselves to it, whatever their ideologies, should cooperate in order to effect the transition.

Q. In Sudan, how do you hope to get back into office democratically?

A. The first thing to be quite sure about is that whatever happens to me, my party, the Umma Party, has been and remains the number one and the most organized mass party in Sudan. I was prime minister in the 1960s when my position was threatening to the old guard in other parties, who conspired to remove me from power in a civilian and peaceful way. The second time in the 1980s I was removed by a coup d'etat that used Islamist slogans. It is clear now that they have seen how much they have gotten the country into a mess, with so many secessionist movements in the country. Also, Sudan has become subject to numerous UN Security Council resolutions that all lead to a kind of protectorate status for the country. We think this reflects the level of failure the regime has achieved. Generally, therefore, there is a movement in Sudan that is working to see to it that all issues are resolved in terms of free general elections that would lead to the democratization of the country and the removal of the dictatorship and its supporters.

Q. Do you sincerely believe you will have free and open elections in Sudan?

A. Not only in Sudan. I think we are in a fifth democratic wave that cannot be resisted and Sudan is a country where this is well articulated. It is

not a question of an isolated case in Sudan, as this is a regional wave. All the events in Palestine, Lebanon, Egypt and other countries have a common factor. They all are indicative of popular effervescence which is going to resonate all over the area. This resonance can lead to chaos unless it is captured in terms of a planned democratic transformation.

Q. How do you interpret the victories of Islamist parties like Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood? Do you see these mainly as religious or political movements?

A. The distinction between religion and politics is difficult to draw. Generally the secular parties and regimes have failed to deliver on people's welfare and on liberation, and because of that Islamic parties are seen to be capable of doing better. Also I think a factor is the nature of American foreign policy which has lately come to base itself on three pillars pre-emption, unilateralism and an alliance between the neoconservatives and the Israeli right. Such policies have generated for the U.S. in the area tremendous unpopularity, and consequently those who are seen to be hostile to America, and who are seen to stand up to America, are benefiting from this wave of unpopularity.

Q. So you see the Islamists gaining mainly from anti-U.S. and anti-Israeli sentiments?

A. I think these sentiments play a great role but of course the situation is more complex. There are many internal reasons where the alternative scenarios have failed, where the corruption of the Arab regimes and the oppression of regimes have also caused a lot of dissent and protest, which has been articulated by some Islamic forces. So the Islamic forces have articulated internal protest and external protest, and that's how I think they have benefited.

Q. To what do you attribute your own credibility among your people? Is it your Islamic credentials, your Sudanese patriotism, Arab nationalism, democratic ideals?

A. I think it is a combination of all these. I have a party base that is based on certain traditional grounds. However, I have modernized and developed my party and institutionalized and democratized it. All these aspects have made it possible for me to have the benefits of both worlds a traditional base of support and a modern base of support. Just now we are party number one in all the university campuses. At the same time we are strong in urban and rural and other traditional society constituencies. Also the fact that I have stood up to all dictators in Sudan, and have paid the price, has led to my popularity. Another reason for this is that those who have come to displace me, or to oppose me, have so miserably failed. The regimes that overthrew me have failed, in contrast to our efforts. My position cannot be faulted on any Islamic basis because I think I have Islamic credentials, although I articulate my Islamic understanding in ways that are truly democratic, truly pluralistic, and conscious of modernity and of the international scene. All of this has benefited my position.

Q. What is your view on working with and accepting assistance from international quarters, especially from the U.S. and Europe?

A. I think there are institutions that are better placed to offer such help than others. Those that are genuinely democratic and not simply manipulated by security organizations will be more welcomed. What needs to be done is to have this kind of help conducted through channels that help the targeted areas in ways that are quantifiable and openly indicated. That is why now in the Arab democratic network and the network of humanitarian organizations we are talking about the need for defining programs on how to conduct this relationship between national and international institutions for the benefit of democracy.

Q. How should the Western world interact with Hamas, Hizbullah, the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamists that are winning elections democratically?

A. The West should recognize that part of the way in which these Islamist groups have come to be popular and win democratic elections is that they have stood up to mistaken Western policies. So the first lesson is for the mistaken Western policies to be forsaken.

Q. You are talking about the West supporting Israel or autocratic regimes within Arab countries?

A. All of these. The policies of denial of rights have got to be revised and this is point number one. Number two, I think any political party, especially Islamists, if they are denied inclusion in the political process, they will become more radical and they will gain more popularity. So they must be recognized in this way. The more they accept democracy and exercise responsible authority, the more they will be realistic. So it is part of the process of a greater realism to recognize their right to exercise authority. Thirdly, this kind of positive attitude cannot be expected to succeed unless the injustices that crystallized the protest in the first place are addressed.